Maulawi Muhammad Ali Bolstered Up

Truth About the Split

While efforts were being made by Khwaja Sahib to undermine the distinctive aims of the Movement—and if he could have had his way, he would not have hesitated to alienate the Jama‘at from its central purpose and to have it absorbed back into the general body of non-Ahmadis—the question of altering the organisation of the Jama‘at had not been forgotten by his party. Two lines of action were adopted to this end. The first was that, as already stated all the directions of Hadrat Khalifatul Masih (ra) to the Anjuman were treated and represented as though they were recommendations of the President, and the second was that Maulawi Muhammad Ali began to be bolstered up and treated as a virtual Khalifa. The object was that Maulawi Muhammad Ali should acquire influence with the Jama‘at as well as prominence among the people outside. Thus at the meetings of the Anjuman it began to be declared openly that whatever Maulawi Muhammad Ali should command would be carried out. On one occasion Shaikh Rahmatullah referring to Maulawi Muhammad Ali said in so many words, "He is our Amir." It is also said that on the occasion of a Conference of Religions held in 1911, where Khwaja Kamaluddin and Maulawi Muhammad Ali went to read their papers, Khwaja Sahib in answer to inquiries made by people, described Maulawi Muhammad Ali as his pir, a spiritual chief or leader. This report of the incident has been current since the lifetime of Hadrat Khalifatul Masih I (ra) . and has never been contradicted by Khwaja Sahib—so that it may be presumed to be true. Similarly on every possible occasion attempts were made to push Maulawi Muhammad Ali to the forefront so that the public eye should be diverted from Hadrat Khalifatul Masih (ra) and directed towards Maulawi Muhammad Ali. Both plans, however proved futile. The failure of the first was brought about in this way. In 1910, Hadrat Khalifatul Masih (ra) wrote to the Sadr Anjuman, saying that as he held the office of Khalifa, he could neither be member nor president of the Anjuman, and that in his place Mirza

Mahmud Ahmad (the present writer) should be elected president. Thus ended the first of the two plans. Hadrat Khalifatul Masih (ra) separated himself from the Anjuman and in his place 1 was appointed president. It could no longer be said that orders of the Khalifa were carried out not because he was Khalifa but because he was President of the Anjuman.

The other plan was defeated by Khwaja Sahib himself. As soon as he began to be popular he began to push his own personality to the front, and he was able to capture the attention of the people. Maulawi Muhammad Ali thus receded into the background, and his opinion no more carried the weight it formerly did.

Towards the end of 1910, Hadrat Khalifatul Masih I (ra) fell from his horse, and for some days he remained in a very precarious condition. He told Mirza Ya‘qub Baig, his medical attendant at the time, that he was not afraid of death and that he wanted to know if his condition was really dangerous. For, in that case he would like to dictate some instructions. But these people feared it might be against their interest for Hadrat Khalifatul Masih (ra) to leave any instructions. They, therefore, assured Hadrat Khalifatul Masih (ra) that his condition was not so dangerous, and that if his condition became critical they would give him timely intimation of it. But as soon as they departed from the presence of Hadrat Khalifatul Masih (ra) they held a consultation. At noon, Dr. Mirza Ya‘qub Baig came to me and asked me to proceed to Maulawi Muhammad Ali’s house, as a consultation was to be held there. My maternal grand-father, Mir Nasir Nawab Sahib, had also been invited. When I reached there I found Maulawi Muhammad Ali, Khwaja Kamaluddin, Maulawi Sadruddin, and one or two others. Khwaja Sahib opened the conversation. He said "We have called you because Maulawi Sahib (i.e. Hadrat Khalifatul Masih (ra) ) is very ill and weak. As we cannot stay on here—it being necessary for us to return to Lahore—we have been obliged to trouble you at this time, so that we may come to some understanding to avert trouble. We can assure you that none of us aspires to be Khalifa. At least I can assure you that I entertain no such aspiration and a similar assurance will be given to you by Maulawi Muhammad Ali!" Here, Maulawi Muhammad Ali interposed and gave a similar assurance on his part. Khwaja Sahib then continued: "Nor do we find any body better fitted for the Khilafat than you, and this is our considered opinion. But we would request you to do one thing. You should not let the question of Khilafat be decided so long as we do not arrive from

Lahore. We are afraid lest some hasty person should precipitate trouble. It is essential that our arrival from Lahore should be awaited." To this Mir Sahib replied, "Yes, it is necessary that some understanding should be reached to prevent trouble." I, however, realised the gravity of the situation, and remembered at once the practice of the Companions of the Holy Prophet (sa) who regarded it utterly improper in the lifetime of one Khalifa to discuss the selection of another, even if the selection were contingent upon the death of the living Khalifa. Accordingly I replied that it was a sin to discuss the selection of a successor to Khilafat while a Khalifa yet lived, and to decide that on the death of a living Khalifa a specific person should be appointed to succeed him and that therefore I considered it a sin to speak on the subject.

Readers will note in this speech by Khwaja Sahib certain points, which are specially worthy of attention. Firstly, that only a few hours before, these people had assured Hadrat Khalifatul Masih (ra) that his condition gave no cause for anxiety and that there was no necessity for making a will and yet no sooner had they left his presence than they began to think of his successor. Secondly, that the speech assumed that while they had no desire for the office of Khilafat, I did have such a desire. I did not, however, think it necessary to enter into any discussion, because an important question of principle was involved, and the safeguarding of that principle was more important than anything else.

As regards the disclaimer by Maulawi Muhammad Ali and Khwaja Kamaluddin of any desire on their part for the Khilafat, subsequent events prove that by such disclaimer they only meant that they had no desire for the title of Khalifa. For, it appears that in place of the old title of Khalifa, they have created the new title of President or Amir which in practice is the same thing as Khalifa. This title is now held by Maulawi Muhammad Ali, while Khwaja Kamaluddin subscribes himself as Khalifatul Masih (ra) , even though he does not fulfil a single requirement of that office. One might think that his friends in conferring upon him this title and he in accepting it, have been working out the secret design of God to expose to the world Khwaja Sahib’s deep desire for the office of Khalifa, for in the absence of the actual office he was content to accept the bare title of Khalifa.

Nor must it be forgotten that subsequent events have amply proved that the proposal made by Khwaja Sahib and his friends was intended merely as a blind.

For, although it could not be clearly seen at that time it is quite plain now that all the time they looked upon me as a bidder for the Khilafat, and wanted by their assurances to allay any suspicions—so that when time came and they should be present on the spot, they could adopt a line of action best suited to their purpose. For, if they were really in favour of my becoming Khalifa, there was certainly no reason for apprehending any trouble in case the election of Khalifa took place before their arrival on the spot. If in their opinion I was really the fittest person for the Khilafat, how could my election to that office become an occasion for trouble?